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Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power,…
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Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity and Poverty (origineel 2012; editie 2013)

door Daron Acemoglu (Auteur)

LedenBesprekingenPopulariteitGemiddelde beoordelingAanhalingen
2,377546,531 (3.79)26
Dit briljante boek geeft antwoord op de vraag waarom sommige landen rijk zijn en andere arm. Komt dat door culturele verschillen, het klimaat of de geografische omstandigheden? Daron Acemoglu en James Robinson laten overtuigend zien dat het de politieke en economische instituties zijn die het economische succes of falen van een land bepalen. Ze illustreren hun betoog met tal van fascinerende voorbeelden. Een daarvan is Korea, een in wezen homogene natie. In Zuid-Korea legt de overheid verantwoording af aan de burgers en heeft de bevolking volop economische kansen; het land is zeer welvarend. Noord-Korea wordt dictatoriaal geregeerd en kent helaas al tientallen jaren onderdrukking en hongersnood. Waarom sommige landen rijk zijn en andere arm laat ons met andere ogen naar de wereld kijken en geeft een dieper inzicht in de oorzaken van armoede en rijkdom.… (meer)
Lid:candanefecan
Titel:Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity and Poverty
Auteurs:Daron Acemoglu (Auteur)
Info:Profile Books (2013), Edition: Main, 560 pages
Verzamelingen:Jouw bibliotheek
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Trefwoorden:Geen

Informatie over het werk

Waarom sommige landen rijk zijn en andere arm door Daron Acemoglu (2012)

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Overview:
Political and economic institutions shape incentives for everyone in the society. Political and economic rules are created and enforced by citizens and state. While the economic system shapes how people earn an income, trade, and innovate, it is the political process that determines under what economic system people live under. Inclusive economic institution encourage participation of everyone in economic activity by unbiased laws, property rights, public services, level playing field for exchange and contract, entry of new business, and individual’s ability to choose their careers. Extractive economic institutions have the inverse properties of inclusive economic institutions, and extract wealth from society to the benefit of a few. Societies choose their economic system through the political process in which they decide what rules to enforce. There is synergy between inclusive political and economic institutions, as there is synergy between extractive political and economic institutions, because those in power will try to retain their status.

Inclusive economic institutions facilitate a willingness of individuals to partake in economic activity knowing that their output will not be arbitrarily taken. As individuals will get rewarded for their output, they are more willing to invest and increase productivity. Inclusive economic institutions create inclusive markets that provide individuals with the same opportunities to utilize their talents. Facilitate obtaining skills and work suited for the individual. Inclusive political institutions have power broadly distributed, and constrain arbitrary power. They have elected representatives which are replaced when they misbehave.

Extractive political institutions do not have many constraints on exercise of power. Leading to extractive economic institutions which are structured to extract resources from the rest of society. To extract wealth, extractive institutions do need some way to stimulate economic activity. Limited prosperity directed to benefit the few. They exclude their citizens from participating in political decisions.

Creative destruction can create different losers and winners. Those who might lose from creative destruction fear inclusive economic and political institutions. Those controlling political power can limit competition to prevent degradation of their privileges.

Critical junctures are events which can disrupt societies political mix. They can break the vicious cycle of extractive institutions, or can endanger inclusive institutions. Inclusive economic and political institutions tend to emerge after a conflict, as there are powers wanting to maintain the status quo. In many cases, conquerors could not coerce labor. The tools they used were instead to incentive labor. To get people to want to work.

Many public services can be provided by the market, but the state has a unique ability to coordinate on a large scale. Markets are not free from becoming extractive when few firms control most of the market. Needing a kind of political centralization to provide law and order. To enable coordination without obtaining monopoly powers that lead to extractive institutions.

Caveats?
This book provides an easy read and a very good understanding of how political and economic institutions shape inequality. Using historical analysis to bring about that understanding. The problem is that there are many issues and inconsistencies in the book.

The focus of the book is only on political and economic institutions, while eager to dismiss the alterative views of geography, culture, and knowledge as factors in inequality. Those factors might not explain everything, but they have shaped what the political and economic institutions people live under. Therein also lies an inconsistency, as during certain parts of the book, the authors used geography, culture, and knowledge as reasons for obtaining certain types of political and economic institutions.

The historical examples quality is mixed. Sometimes there is an in-depth background into the problems of a nation. Other times, incidents are given and described in terms of only inclusive or extractive economic and political institutions, but there were a lot more to the events which can provide a different understanding. There is a lot of history in this book, mainly with the start of the Industrial Revolution, but even during the low historical quality events, it enables the reader to search for more information on the nations.

There is an inconsistency in which inclusive and extractive institutions are described. It appears that inclusive political institutions only produce inclusive economic systems, while extractive political systems only produce extractive economic systems. As in, there appears to be a separation between inclusive and extractive institution. The problem is that economies have a mixture of both inclusive and extractive institutions. In the histories presented, there were turns to and from inclusive or extractive institutions. Which means, and the author do make the claim, that there as conflict between those within the nations on the opposing sides. Not realistic for a society to be completely inclusive, while it may appear that complete extraction is possible.

The issue of the mixture of inclusive and extractive institutions brings up an associated idea of dependency on the past. It appears that there is no way to change the inclusive or extractive institutions without critical junctures. Critical junctures appear random, but this might be because their outcomes during their time were uncertain. The problem is that the conflicts and events of the critical junctures, had social backing and their own precedence. Not very predictable ones, but did require some impetus before the critical juncture. ( )
  Eugene_Kernes | Jun 4, 2024 |
A Long book and at times repetitive, however this book based on several examples try to explain the historical and social reasons behind the poverty and development in the nations. Institutions are the key factor behind the development of a nation. Extractive insititution that extract wealth from the majority to a powerful minority even if they can create wealth it won't last. Inclusive institution, that make include most of the population and create the environment necessary for innovation will create a virtuous circle in those economies that posses them. The theory is simple but powerful, and although not all the process of development of countries can be explained using it, it gives a good start point to understand the dynamics of such nations. There was some things I did not like it, like the shallow treatment of the Latin-American countries. I don't think they took enough space or researched enough to give a good description of the situation. Another thing I did not like about this books is that it is too repetitive and too long at parts. I think the messaged could have been conveyed with much more less prose. In general a good read and a recommended book for those who want to understand more about the historical and political issues behind the development of a nation. ( )
  MikkelGen | May 27, 2024 |
¿Qué determina que un país sea rico o pobre? ¿Cómo se explica que, en condiciones similares, en algunos países haya hambrunas y en otros no? ¿Qué papel tiene la política en estas cuestiones? Que algunas naciones sean más prósperas que otras, ¿se debe a cuestiones culturales?, ¿a los efectos de la climatología?, ¿a su ubicación geográfica? No, en absoluto. Ninguna cuestión relativa a la prosperidad de un país está relacionada con estos factores, sino que proviene de otro mucho más tangible: la política económica que dictaminan sus dirigentes. Son los líderes de cada país, afirman los reconocidos profesores Daron Acemoglu y James A. Robinson en este libro, quienes determinan con sus políticas la prosperidad de su territorio, y así ha ocurrido en todos los períodos de la historia, como demuestran en este apasionante estudio.
  Natt90 | Feb 24, 2023 |
Much more of an historical sweep of nations than an economic breakdown. Good writing, but could be about half as long. ( )
  oranje | Oct 13, 2022 |
Required reading alongside Guns, Germs, and Steel. A slightly more sophisticated thesis, centering around much more human forces. Read both. ( )
  Adamantium | Aug 21, 2022 |
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It should be no surprise that countries with those advantages ended up rich and with good institutions, while countries with those disadvantages didn’t. ... The ... weakness is the authors’ resort to assertion unsupported or contradicted by facts. ... The authors’ discussions of what can and can’t be done today to improve conditions in poor countries are thought-provoking and will stimulate debate.
 

» Andere auteurs toevoegen

AuteursnaamRolType auteurWerk?Status
Acemoglu, Daronprimaire auteuralle editiesbevestigd
Robinson, James A.primaire auteuralle editiesbevestigd

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This book is about the huge differences in incomes and standards of living that separate the rich countries of the world, such as the United States, Great Britain, and Germany, from the poor, such as those in sub-Saharan Africa, Central America, and South Asia.
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Countries such as Great Britain and the United States became rich because their citizens overthrew the elites who controlled power and created a society where political rights ere much more broadly distributed, where the government was accountable and responsive to citizens, and where the great mass of people could take advantage of economic opportunities.
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Dit briljante boek geeft antwoord op de vraag waarom sommige landen rijk zijn en andere arm. Komt dat door culturele verschillen, het klimaat of de geografische omstandigheden? Daron Acemoglu en James Robinson laten overtuigend zien dat het de politieke en economische instituties zijn die het economische succes of falen van een land bepalen. Ze illustreren hun betoog met tal van fascinerende voorbeelden. Een daarvan is Korea, een in wezen homogene natie. In Zuid-Korea legt de overheid verantwoording af aan de burgers en heeft de bevolking volop economische kansen; het land is zeer welvarend. Noord-Korea wordt dictatoriaal geregeerd en kent helaas al tientallen jaren onderdrukking en hongersnood. Waarom sommige landen rijk zijn en andere arm laat ons met andere ogen naar de wereld kijken en geeft een dieper inzicht in de oorzaken van armoede en rijkdom.

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