Claudio Saunt
Auteur van Unworthy Republic: The Dispossession of Native Americans and the Road to Indian Territory
Over de Auteur
Claudio Saunt is the Richard B. Russell Professor in American History at the University of Georgia. He is the author of two award-winning books, A New Order of Things and Black, White, and Indian. He lives in Athens, Georgia.
Werken van Claudio Saunt
Unworthy Republic: The Dispossession of Native Americans and the Road to Indian Territory (2020) 347 exemplaren
A New Order of Things: Property, Power, and the Transformation of the Creek Indians, 1733-1816 (1999) 61 exemplaren
Gerelateerde werken
Contact Points: American Frontiers from the Mohawk Valley to the Mississippi, 1750-1830 (1998) — Medewerker — 44 exemplaren
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Algemene kennis
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- 1967
- Geslacht
- male
- Nationaliteit
- USA
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- San Francisco, California, USA
- Beroepen
- Professor of American History (University of Georgia)
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Unworthy Republic: The Dispossession of Native… door Claudio Saunt
An excellent though somewhat depressing account of the forced expulsion of native Americans by the federal government in the early 19th century. Much of the rhetoric used then is still heard today. This is a not a positive commentary on either era. An excellent historical lesson and allegory for the Trump presidency. As Winston Churchill said "Those who do not study history are bound to repeat it." There are many who could learn from the book. Read it and learn!
between 3.5 and 4 stars.
i am pretty sure that i can't overstate the importance of reading this book, and the fact of its existence. (it was a hard and slow read though, with so many details that seemed unnecessary, but that leant even more credence to the research.)
this is such a comprehensive and exhaustive history of both the idea and legislative movement around the deportation of native americans, as well as the details of what that meant for individuals and tribes. and how that so quickly and easily turned to a policy of genocide. (although i don't think he used that word once; he used extermination.)
it is absolutely horrifying to read this. a number of citizens and senators who were opposed to this treatment of the indians (which was nice to see; it reminded me of now, where we are protesting and speaking up, but where restrictive policies are still passing in the gov't) spoke of how this would permanently stain the nation and it's obviously done that - poisoned us from the root. the descriptions and quotes show not just greed (for land) and racism, but a direct correlation with slavery, which i had somehow never even considered before.
"A little more than twenty years before Abraham Lincoln depicted slavery as a moral failing and lamented the civil War's 700,000 dead as the 'woe due to those by whom the offense came,' a different president condemned the 'sickening mass of putrefaction' that was the nation's policy toward indigenous people. 'It is among the heinous sins of this nation, for which I believe God will one day bring them to judgement,' John Quincy Adams, then serving in the House of Representatives, wrote in his diary in 1841. The rupture between North and South forced white Americans to confront the nation's deep investment in slavery and to emancipate and incorporate four million individuals. They did so unwillingly, and the reconstruction of the nation is in many ways still unfolding. By contrast, there has been no comparable reckoning with the conquest of the continent, little serious reflection on its centrality to the rise of the United States, and minimal sustained engagement with the people who lost their homelands."
maybe it's just the way history is and the presidency is, but jackson really reminded me of trump, especially when he required loyalty and votes from congressmen. they were warned "that they would be denounced as 'traitors and recreants' if they failed to fall in line" and vote the way jackson wanted them to. "Jackson, they learned, would work to defeat the holdouts at the next election," which sounds awfully familiar.
"While white southerners cynically dismissed the stirring rhetoric of their opponents, at least a few self-questioning and thoughtful northerners recognized the difficulty they had living up to their ideals. 'It is a singular feature in our nature that we often condemn in others what we will do ourselves.'"
The Indian Office "...contained an impressive display of 130 portraits of indigenous Americans and McKenney's personal collection of "Indian dresses, ornaments, petrafactions [sic],' and 'minerals.' The paintings and objects, wrote one sightseer, were 'all suited to a place of this sort, where, long after the original owners of this country shall have mingled with the dust of their mountains, the curious will delight to repair, to study the appearance of the native owners of this continent, and indulge in reflections on these scenes which are past.' The Indian Office would be a monument to the people it made disappear."
"Though the treaty set aside some compensation for the loss of land, approximately 95 percent of the dispossessed received nothing."
"The Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society stated in its annual report of 1838 that the 'primary object of the South, through the instrumentality of the national government, is doubly atrocious.' First, planter-politicians wished to take 'forceful possession' of native lands. Then they intended to establish slavery, 'with all its woes and horrors,' on the stolen territory. The targets of this allegation saw no reason to debate the point, since they were proud of the more of slave labor camps that they were building across the continent. The movement against expulsion, charged a slave-owning Tennessee congressman, was 'nothing more nor less than a branch of Abolitionism in disguise.'"
"If only the Cherokees understood that Lumpkin, not Ross, had their best interests at heart, they would abandon their homes for the West. Of course, the logical conclusion to this exercise in arrogance and self-delusion was that U.S. planters should enslave native peoples for their own good, a determination reached by more than one southern apologist."
it's like they're surprised that the indians are people: "...the War Department...shared the common characteristics of 'the Indian.' The Cherokee was "Grave in his intercourse with what's, good tempered or sullen according to the treatment he receives from them.'"
"While they postured by standing on states' rights, white supremacy in face made up the bedrock of their politics."
incredibly, people could say things like this in all seriousness: "It required 'greater moral courage' to 'hold back, to survey the whole subject coolly and impartially, and to restore harmony to a distracted country' by defending perpetual and hereditary slavery, he rationalized, than it did 'to minister to the popular feeling where we live' by fighting against the institution. Political moderation, as Cass practiced it in the 1850s, meant keeping four million people in bondage, just as in the 1830s it had meant deporting eighty thousand indigenous Americans."… (meer)
i am pretty sure that i can't overstate the importance of reading this book, and the fact of its existence. (it was a hard and slow read though, with so many details that seemed unnecessary, but that leant even more credence to the research.)
this is such a comprehensive and exhaustive history of both the idea and legislative movement around the deportation of native americans, as well as the details of what that meant for individuals and tribes. and how that so quickly and easily turned to a policy of genocide. (although i don't think he used that word once; he used extermination.)
it is absolutely horrifying to read this. a number of citizens and senators who were opposed to this treatment of the indians (which was nice to see; it reminded me of now, where we are protesting and speaking up, but where restrictive policies are still passing in the gov't) spoke of how this would permanently stain the nation and it's obviously done that - poisoned us from the root. the descriptions and quotes show not just greed (for land) and racism, but a direct correlation with slavery, which i had somehow never even considered before.
"A little more than twenty years before Abraham Lincoln depicted slavery as a moral failing and lamented the civil War's 700,000 dead as the 'woe due to those by whom the offense came,' a different president condemned the 'sickening mass of putrefaction' that was the nation's policy toward indigenous people. 'It is among the heinous sins of this nation, for which I believe God will one day bring them to judgement,' John Quincy Adams, then serving in the House of Representatives, wrote in his diary in 1841. The rupture between North and South forced white Americans to confront the nation's deep investment in slavery and to emancipate and incorporate four million individuals. They did so unwillingly, and the reconstruction of the nation is in many ways still unfolding. By contrast, there has been no comparable reckoning with the conquest of the continent, little serious reflection on its centrality to the rise of the United States, and minimal sustained engagement with the people who lost their homelands."
maybe it's just the way history is and the presidency is, but jackson really reminded me of trump, especially when he required loyalty and votes from congressmen. they were warned "that they would be denounced as 'traitors and recreants' if they failed to fall in line" and vote the way jackson wanted them to. "Jackson, they learned, would work to defeat the holdouts at the next election," which sounds awfully familiar.
"While white southerners cynically dismissed the stirring rhetoric of their opponents, at least a few self-questioning and thoughtful northerners recognized the difficulty they had living up to their ideals. 'It is a singular feature in our nature that we often condemn in others what we will do ourselves.'"
The Indian Office "...contained an impressive display of 130 portraits of indigenous Americans and McKenney's personal collection of "Indian dresses, ornaments, petrafactions [sic],' and 'minerals.' The paintings and objects, wrote one sightseer, were 'all suited to a place of this sort, where, long after the original owners of this country shall have mingled with the dust of their mountains, the curious will delight to repair, to study the appearance of the native owners of this continent, and indulge in reflections on these scenes which are past.' The Indian Office would be a monument to the people it made disappear."
"Though the treaty set aside some compensation for the loss of land, approximately 95 percent of the dispossessed received nothing."
"The Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society stated in its annual report of 1838 that the 'primary object of the South, through the instrumentality of the national government, is doubly atrocious.' First, planter-politicians wished to take 'forceful possession' of native lands. Then they intended to establish slavery, 'with all its woes and horrors,' on the stolen territory. The targets of this allegation saw no reason to debate the point, since they were proud of the more of slave labor camps that they were building across the continent. The movement against expulsion, charged a slave-owning Tennessee congressman, was 'nothing more nor less than a branch of Abolitionism in disguise.'"
"If only the Cherokees understood that Lumpkin, not Ross, had their best interests at heart, they would abandon their homes for the West. Of course, the logical conclusion to this exercise in arrogance and self-delusion was that U.S. planters should enslave native peoples for their own good, a determination reached by more than one southern apologist."
it's like they're surprised that the indians are people: "...the War Department...shared the common characteristics of 'the Indian.' The Cherokee was "Grave in his intercourse with what's, good tempered or sullen according to the treatment he receives from them.'"
"While they postured by standing on states' rights, white supremacy in face made up the bedrock of their politics."
incredibly, people could say things like this in all seriousness: "It required 'greater moral courage' to 'hold back, to survey the whole subject coolly and impartially, and to restore harmony to a distracted country' by defending perpetual and hereditary slavery, he rationalized, than it did 'to minister to the popular feeling where we live' by fighting against the institution. Political moderation, as Cass practiced it in the 1850s, meant keeping four million people in bondage, just as in the 1830s it had meant deporting eighty thousand indigenous Americans."… (meer)
The expulsion of Native Americans from their land in the eastern USA during the 1830s is usually dealt with in a few paragraphs in most high school history textbooks. This very readable history of their expulsion provides an in-depth look at that period. By providing quotes and details from so many contemporary sources, Claudio Saunt helps the reader dive into the debates of the period and learn the tragic consequences of how the government policy was executed. This book is highly recommended.
I really did enjoy this book. It was nice to have a new perspective on 1776, and a lot of the things Saunt mentions are things I had only heard mentions about. I think that the chapters should have been somewhat shorter, considering the length of the overall book. I think it was an interesting read and should be a must read for those interested in US history
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