1/22/23

I discovered this remarkable book back in college and have identified myself as libertarian ever since. I'm not much for labels because it's rare for a single one to capture a totality of philosophy, but the argument for Libertarianism makes the most sense to me, logically and morally, and I recommend Libertarianism: A Primer to anyone seeking to learn more about it (note: there's a newer edition out now, see below). Unfortunately, the topic lends itself to a bombardment of extraneous emotional associations, most of them plainly untrue, so I suppose it's no different from any other heated political discussion. It was actually my observation of endless overreactions to these arguments that led to my own deeper appreciation for the nature of, and need for, politics.

The author has admitted in an interview that this version is now dated and has since revised it into The Libertarian Mind: A Manifesto for Freedom. It came out earlier this year (2015) and I intend to check it out. ( )

Excellent overview of "Libertarian" (meaning Classic Liberal) thought - both history, concepts and current political topics. ( )

A must-read for any libertarian or anyone who describes themself as "conservative on economic issues, but against social control." Quite different from Murray's book (released also in 1997), Boaz concentrates on the development of the libertarian thought and then on practical issues. Boaz does a great job of tearing apart anyone's claim that we should all be equal, showing that the equality would unbalance itself very quickly. With the exception of equality of rights, libertarians realize that equality is not going to happen because we all desire and assess differently. Perhaps the most prominent problem with our present government involves the understanding of "rights." The Founders indicated that all rights not expressly given the federal government are not given at all. Today, people claim all sorts of false constitutional rights and judges grant them. Boaz shows many examples where judges and legislators defend additional rights and take property wrongfully. The critics of the Bill of Rights claimed that it might be interpreted as an exhaustive list. Indeed, judges tend to look there rather than to the express powers when deciding constitutional authority. An interesting argument is that all rights are actually property rights, whether as self-ownership, by rightful acquisition, or based on being the first to add one's labor to something (i.e. create, discover, or homestead). Under this definition, a right of free speech becomes a right of use of means of distribution. Boaz outlines additional separations beyond that of church and state, including family and state, and art and state. Boaz points out the difference between law and legislation and how the latter is used to achieve so many deleterious effects. He addresses the variety of property takings by the government, ranging from taxation to inflation. Boaz finishes his work with a number of policy stances: against the draft, against being the world's police force (and showing that we are not needed in most situations), for the value of charity, against the evils of price controls (rent control, farm subsidies, and minimum wages), against taxation, and against regulation. He makes a concise argument about the benefits of foreign trade and debunks the myth of the trade balance. He also points out that there has been no intellectual debate about this for a long time -- it's the special interests that make ludicrous claims. Finally, Boaz ends by pointing out that new information technology and the global economy are bringing about much of what Smith and others would want. In other words, some things are beyond government control. ( )