Paul Keating was Australia's Treasurer under Bob Hawke from 1983 to 1991, and Prime Minister from 1991 to 1996. He had a huge vision for Australia's economic future, believing that it had to be opened up. He was also a master of metaphor and the political put down.

From a working-class family in suburban Bankstown, he left school at 15 and took a job as a clerk at the Sydney County Council. He had an early interest in politics and joined his father in attending ALP meetings from an early age. Jack Lang was Keating's first mentor starting from when Keating was 18. Lang was NSW premier on two occasions in the 1920s and 1930s. His last government was dismissed by the NSW Governor in 1932. But he was a firebrand who created animosity and division. Keating admired his political style and learned a lot about early Australian politics from him. But Keating also sought advice from many captains of industry. Keating won the federal seat of Blaxland in 1969, which was about the same time that Gough Whitlam became the ALP leader. But the two were chalk and cheese - Whitlam was a silver-tailed university-trained lawyer, while Keating was working class and left school early. Keating was the last minister appointed by Whitlam just weeks before Whitlam’s dismissal - an event that Keating remains bitter about. He points out that this event ended any civility there may have been between the two main political parties.

As Treasurer, Keating presided over some massive changes to the Australian economy, including:
* Floating the dollar;
* Introduction of bank competition by allowing in foreign banks;
* Dividend imputation system;
* Overhaul of the tax system;
* Reduction of import tariffs;
* Deregulation of housing interest rates;
* Introduction of the cross-media rules with respect to ownership of TV and newspapers.

In 1991, Bob Hawke's popularity floundered in the face of a deep recession, and Opposition Leader John Hewson's Fightback, which was based on Thatcherite policies. In order to end speculation about the leadership, Hawke called for a leadership spill in December during which the ALP caucus voted against for Keating due to the falling polls.

As Prime Minister, Keating focused on micro-economic reform and repositioning Australia's place in the world. The most significant items included:
* Abolition of the centralised wage-fixing system and replacing it with the enterprise bargaining model;
* Introduction of the universal superannuation scheme;
* Expansion of standard gauge railway across Australia;
* Further reduction of import tariffs;
* An expanded APEC, turning it from a ministers’ council to a leadership group;
* Indonesia/Australia Ministerial Council;
* Native land title legislation;
* Outline for an Australian Republic;
* Sale of Qantas and Australian Airlines (previously TAA);
* Introduction of pay TV;
* Establishment of the Australian Competition and Consumer Council;
* Establishment of the National Electricity Market;
* Creative Nation arts policy, which included funding for the Internet (the Information Superhighway as it was called then), and separating the symphony orchestras from the ABC starting with the SSO and the MSO.

The book is divided into four broad time periods within which each chapter explores a different theme - these are generally in chronological order. Each chapter is prefaced by the author's description of the events surrounding that theme and followed by the questions and answers pertaining to that theme. Thus, it provides the author’s viewpoint followed by Keating’s own views on the matter. Much of the latter material was used in the televised interviews on the ABC.

Keating was definitely a large figure on the Australian political stage - loved by some, hated by others, and viewed with indifference by many, but then that can be said of many political figures (as Keating himself points out). His performances in parliament, where he revelled in demolishing opponents with his acerbic wit, are particularly memorable - many of which can be viewed on YouTube. But these performances were often viewed as arrogant, particularly by his opponents and the press. Despite his flaws, he presided over some of the most important transformational changes to the Australian economy, dragging it out of the closed dark ages into a modern open economy ripe for embracing the increasingly global economy. In summary, you have to admire the man for his achievements.

I give this book 4 stars. ( )

In which Paul Keating, former Australian Prime Minister, and unquestionably the best Treasurer the country ever had, gives us his testimony. Keating has promised that he won't be writing an autobiography - this is a shame, and so this extensive Q&A with veteran journalist Kerry O'Brien is the best we are going to get. And probably its enough. Its clear the point that Keating wants to make, and a point he has always been consistent on. And that point is that the 5 successive Labor governments that he either led, or provided the intellectual drive for under Hawke's leadership, fundamentally changed the fabric of Australia for forever, and for the better. In fact he created a modern country. This is pretty much unarguable, but given this is an 800 page book you'd better be prepared to delve into all the details of how that happened. By the end, you will know more about line by line budget cutting and the workings of the Expenditure Review Committee then you ever thought you would

As I say, this is Keating's testimony. Others might have a different point of view about how various laws and policies came to be, but the Keating version has him as the engine room of the detail of policy, supported by John Dawkins and Peter Walsh and his own staff, usually working in relative harmony with the Treasury after the exit of John Stone, with Hawke's political capital to push through unpopular policies. I was staggered by the amount of sheer work he managed to get through - he had a finger in every pie, to the detriment of his long term health. As a lifetime member of the NSW Right he's a good hater, and he has nothing but contempt for conservative politicians - as he puts it, he was always interested in raising up the 95% rather than the 5%. But readers might be surprised that that political hatred doesn't reflect personal hatreds - he claims to have much preferred John Howard personally to John Hewson ("thinks he's above politics, whereas Howard was a foot soldier who made his way through the ranks") or anyone from the National Party all of whom he has withering contempt for. As he does for Peacock, Fraser and other Liberal Party grandees. No, his issue with Howard was politics, not personality.

He is generous to his colleagues. He makes it clear that his issue with Hawke was about the transition, and nothing prior to that. He again claims that Hawke was essentially a spent force after his family problems of 1984 and that he did his best to cover for him for 4 or 5 years. He is generous in praise of Dawkins, Willis, Evans, Ryan and some of his other colleagues. But he has no time for fools or people not in his intellectual league - which is frankly most of us. Ex Labor Party Secretary Gary Gray in particular gets a nasty kicking

But as a book, the format doesn't really work. You need more context than O'Brien serving up Dorothy Dixers and Keating smacking them out of the park. You need some form of argument and discussion and you don't get it here. What you do get is the Testimony according to St Paul. Its a testimony I personally agree with and empathise with. But balanced its not. ( )